New World Portraits
Jacqueline Medeiros [1]
MEDEIROS, Jacqueline.
New World Portraits. 19&20, Rio de Janeiro, v. X, n. 1, jan./jun. 2015. https://www.doi.org/10.52913/19e20.X1.08b
[Português]
* * *
1.
The
Portuguese Court commissioned the painting La
mascarade nuptiale [Figure 1] in
1788 from the Portuguese artist José Conrado Roza, official painter of the Empire, so he would portray
curiosities of the New World.2 The author is the son and disciple of Domingo da
Roza, whom he succeeded in the position of court
painter and illustrator of the royal princes, and especially the princesses; in
the second half of the century, he worked in the court of King Pedro III and
Queen Maria, as it seems, to decorate the Robillon
Pavilion of the Queluz National Palace, Portugal.
2.
Roza’s
painting allegorically portrays a strange wedding procession made up of eight
dwarves grouped in pyramid shape. Seven of the dwarves are black slaves and one
of them, named Siriaco, has vitiligo[2],
which has made most of his skin turn white. He is the only one without a noble
garment, as if his whitish skin were a piece of clothing or were shown exactly
to expose his abnormal condition. These dwarves came from various places of the
Portuguese colonies and were identified by short and almost imperceptible
biographies written on their clothes. These biographies bring us closer to the
life history of these people who had been affected by such physical anomalies.
This practice can be seen in the paintings of the so-called "picturesque
travels", a genre that mixed explanatory texts with colorful illustrations
and references to places in order to expand the
repertoire of the readers. The researcher Marisa Flórido
Cesar[3] assures
us that making the image of minorities visible is to bring them into existence.
An expression that comes from Roman law: the "right of image”, guaranteed
a place and a voice to minorities. Was that Roza’s
intention when he wrote inscriptions [Figure 2] about
the characters’ lives on their garments? If we consider the victims of the
Holocaust, who were reduced to a numerical code tattooed on their skin, the
answer may be yes. Instead of making its characters lose their human dignity,
José Conrado Roza’s
painting brings these individuals to the level of humanity, giving them noble
clothes and shoes, and showing the public the conditions that made them stand
there, like a cry for help, a denouncement. It gave visibility to those with no
image, those who were rarely portrayed as human beings, as Velasquez did [Figure 3].
Since European monarchs had the habit of being surrounded by these people, whom
they called “aberrations”, they were a frequent presence at parties and in
paintings commissioned by the court.
3.
The two
characters representing the bride and the groom were from Angola, the two
musicians, from Mozambique, and the other four ones were from Brazil (from
Pernambuco, Rio de Janeiro, Bahia and Pará).[4] The black dwarf D. Rosa, the bride, would always
accompany the Queen and receive constant donations of clothing, shoes and food
from the palace, so she seems to have been the Queen’s favorite, according to
reports found in documents of the New World Museum. Following this line of thought,
there is the hypothesis that the painting was commissioned because the Queen
might have wanted want to keep a memento from D. Rosa,
since the dwarves were short-lived. D. Rosa would actually
pass away just a few years later.
4.
There
are several questionable aspects in this work, starting with the title in
French, which may have been assigned by the antiquarian who sold the painting
to the New World Museum in 1984. It is known that the records of this period
were marked by imagination combined with large doses of curiosity and all types
of utopia, not to mention that many of them did not
make any reference to the presence of the author witnessing the scene, which
suggests that José Conrado Roza
may have never set foot on the lands of the New World. There is no information
about where the painting had been before its acquisition by the museum or about
possible visits of the artist to the Portuguese colonies. Studies by the New
World Museum, however, indicate the existence of at least one copy of the painting,
acquired by Charles Besteigui in 1939 [Figure 4]. This
copy has roughly the same size as the original, but it presents slight
variations - the bride's dress is white, there is no stone with the signature
of the artist and, most importantly, the dove holds a sheet of paper with
inscriptions. It was sold under the title of O retrato
dos anões da rainha D.
Maria de Portugal (Portrait of Queen Maria of Portugal’s dwarves),
according to information from the New World Museum.
5.
Although
it was painted in the 18th century, after a period in which artists had
mastered the techniques of visual representation of space, the painting shows a
flat representation in the foreground and a landscape in perspective in the
background. Foreground and background are not integrated, as it would be
expected of a work of that time, whose fundamental norms determined the
combination of forms in the planes and a commitment to representing articulated
planes. The spatial depth of the background develops abruptly
and all the main elements of the picture are in foreground, as if they were on
the edge of a precipice. The idea of depth is devalued and made insignificant,
due to the overload in the foreground of elements dissociated from the
landscape in the background. The author makes the figures of the dwarves
crystallize in an almost perfect row, side by side, in the foreground, parallel
to the frame of the painting, showing the observer a solid configuration formed
by these elements, like a wall, imposing a field of vision that discourages the
viewer from making constant incursions to the background.
6.
Even
with the rich garments that could give them a certain human nobility, the
figures look more like dolls than humans: their eyes are fixed
and they all look the same, the white of their eyes highlighted, contrasting
with their black skin. In this sense, they leave the category of humanity,
coming closer to items collected in a cabinet of curiosities, so common at that
time.
7.
The
use of various types of clothing that correspond to various Portuguese colonies
makes it clear that there was a willingness to represent the New World. For
example, the dwarf to the right of Siriaco has a
piece of fabric tied to his waist, a feature of African clothing; the indian is wearing feathers and a headdress and is carrying
an arrow. On the other hand, wearing shoes was not common for these characters,
neither in their place of origin nor in the court. Wearing shoes was a sign of
superiority and, thus, it was forbidden for black people. In this painting,
however, almost all of them are wearing shoes, which shows their ascension
inside the social pyramid of the court. The indian
and Siriaco are the exceptions, which may possibly be
an allusion to the two lesser known species of
"aberrations": the black person with skin anomalies, which was under
investigation by scientific studies of the time; and the savage indian who cannot be tamed, not even at a wedding ceremony.
8.
Undoubtedly,
the painting portrays a wedding: the dove and the cupid (the indian) are symbols that point to that. D. Roza is about to be pierced by the arrow that the indian Marcellino[5] is preparing to shoot. But if, on the one hand, the
scene may be portraying a wedding, on the other hand, it may be that everyone
is celebrating Siriaco’s arrival, perching to be able
to see him. One will never know that for sure. One of the most remarkable
characters of the La mascarade nuptiale
painting is undoubtedly Siriaco, due to his power to
fascinate and disturb everyone, even today. Siriaco
had already been represented by the painter Manuel Joaquim da Rocha [Figure 5], just
like in La mascarade nuptiale:
9.
In December 1786, 48,000 réis were paid to Manuel Joaquim da Rocha, another painter
of the court, for his portrait "Preto Malhado"
or "Negro-pie" or "Siriaco", as
he is called. A little later, two other portraits, this time costing 86.400 réis, were again painted by the same artist.[6]
10.
A copy
of this portrait is kept at the Museum of the School of Medicine of Paris, and
another one is found at the Ethnography Museum of Madrid. Both are dated 1786.
The third, also dated 1786 (or 1787, depending on the source), was kept at the
painting gallery of the Palácio Nacional da
Ajuda in Lisboa, until
it disappeared in a fire in 1974. These copies, done on the
occasion of Siriaco’s arrival in Portugal,
attest to the interest aroused by this phenomenon.
11.
The
issue of skin malpigmentation was intriguing in the
18th century and gave way to many interpretations in
the research of biologists and naturalists, as well as to the racial theories
that accompanied them – which might explain why two of the copies were found in
museums of Medicine and Ethnography. Could this also be the reason why Roza gave Siriaco a highlighted
position in his painting?
12.
There
were several and controversial interpretations at the time for this disease and
for the fascination it aroused in Europe, with frequent exhibitions on the
subject, such as the image of a youth with vitiligo shown at London’s
Bartholomew Fair of 1795, published by Alex Hogg in October 1803. Another case
in point was the indians Kali'na
Galibis from the French Guyana, who were exhibited at the Porte Maillot
Zoo in 1892 [Figure 6].
13.
In these
cases, the individuals were treated like monsters, and their abject bodies
demarcate the limits of humanity, either in the radical form of the cannibal or
in the attenuated form of the savage. Thus, the primordial question the
European collective imaginary asks itself concerning these beings that
inhabited the New World is what defines the very category of humanity. Are they
savages or humans? Do their bodies have a soul or not?
14.
The
answers to these questions establish a double connection of identification and
differentiation present in the catalogs of ethnic races of Central America, in
the tradition of having taste for and nurturing "aberrations", in
scientific studies, in the cabinets of curiosities, and in the very pictorial
representation of these incomprehensible beings that pervade the analysis of
the portraits of the New World. There are several possible interpretation paths
for La mascarade nuptiale
by the painter José Conrado Roza.
The
tradition of caste paintings
15.
King
Carlos III of Spain was very curious about the development of miscegenation and
its results, considering them a curiosity of the Americas, the so-called New
Spain[7]. In the 18th century, they were portrayed in caste
paintings - more specifically in colonial Mexico - a pictorial style that
showed the different types of humans that resulted from the mix of white, indian and black people in the recently-formed
colonial society that categorized the diversity and hybrids through a complex
system of castes. According to Lilian Moritz[8], in
the Iberian world, to think of castes was to define lineage or race, with the
concept of ”caste” itself deriving from the Latin term
castus, which literally means "to
maintain pure". In the social or caste stratification established in
Spanish America, three social values or elements were combined to form the
distinct marks of each caste, according to Santelli: [9] the racial element, the economic element, and the cultural
element.
16.
A
series of names was assigned to the distinct racial combinations that appeared
in the Spanish colonies: mestizo (Spanish and indian),
mulato (Spanish and black) and zambo or
zambaigo (black and indian).
For the colonial elite, this classification system was a way of imposing order
to a society that was becoming more and more unclassifiable, but it also
represented a search for an identity that was difficult to define. This need
for order and control of the society was also present in the studies of
anomalies in European naturalist medicine.
17.
Therefore,
the production of caste paintings sought to describe the advance of
miscegenation and the everyday life in Ibero-America.
Most of these paintings were part of a series of 16 to 20 scenes, each
representing a man and a woman from several ethnic groups with the descendent
that resulted from the mix between them. Each individual
is identified by a descriptive legend.
18.
As we
see it, the main theme of these works is the concept of hierarchy as an
indispensable element to guarantee the subsistence of any imperial system. As
example is the paintings of Joaquin Magón, which
represent the occupations performed by the protagonists portrayed: there is a
clear hierarchy, where the best occupations are taken by Spaniards or
descendants that are more Spanish than mixed, and the occupations of less
importance are taken by those with black or mestizo blood. Thus, the
caste paintings represented the interests of the Spanish elite, which,
according to García Saíz[10], were
mainly motivated by the exoticism typically attributed to the American mestizos
from Mexico.
19.
In
colonial Spain, the concept of race took long to come up and had the objective
of maintaining biological control. As noted by Lilian Moritz, in the 19th
century, historical and social differences started being normalized so people
would believe that the society was nothing but a faithful mirror of biology and
that even the predominance of whites could be explained in a laboratorial way.
Perhaps this is what is demonstrated by the little known French painter named
Masurier, who, in a caste painting called Madelene de la Martinique
[Figure 7],
dated 1782, depicted an Ibero-American descedent child with vitiligo who is very similar to Roza’s Siriaco. Today, the work
can be found in the Museum of Natural History in Paris. Analyzing from the
point of view of the Mexican castes, it can be said that the black woman looks
at her son affected by vitiligo as if the disease had been the result of an
accident of miscegenation, also related to the fruits that mother and children
are holding. The ethnic origin of the father is unknown, for he is not depicted
in the scene, unlike traditional caste paintings. This may bring the painting
closer to the scientific studies exhibited in the cabinets of curiosities,
allowing us to think of it as the record of a natural deformity, in line with
what the Count of Buffon[11] would
defend, which will be described in the next section.
Tradition
in the scientific studies of medicine
20.
The
18th century was a period of great diffusion of natural history, in part due to
the fomentation of travels for exploring the new territories colonized or to be
colonized. Thus, a great number of natural history and herbarium cabinets
were created, owned not only by kings and princes, but also by wealthy citizens
whose greatest ambition was to publish a catalog with their collections. ”Of all of those booms of new information, nothing compares
to the great popularity gained by the work Histoire
Naturelle, by Count of Buffon, with his Theory of Degeneration of Animal
Species in America." [12]
21.
According
to Antonello Gerbi, [13] the Count of Buffon[14] was proud of his findings, and among them was the
greatest of all: the animal species of the Old World and the Americas, or the
New World, are different and, in some aspects, inferior or impaired. This is
the Theory of Degeneration, in which, in 1761, in volume IX of Histoire Naturelle [Figure 8] the
Count of Buffon concludes that "thanks to a process of degeneration, the
species of the Old World turned into that which is found in the New
World". The success of Histoire
Naturelle was immense. The two first print runs sold out in two weeks, and
then it was translated into English, French and German. Other important
biologists were contemporaries of Buffon: Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778),
Denis Diderot (1713-1784), Condillac (1715-1780),
Helvetius (1715- 1771) and Condorcet (1743- 1794).
22.
For
some time, the observations based on this criterion of superiority and
inferiority remained episodic, as more information, accounts and descriptions
of the New World reached Europe and spread on the New Continent as unanimous.
In this scenario, there is a multiplication of images of black children with malpigmentation caused by vitiligo. According to Michael Hagner[15], naturalists and physicians argued that children were
chosen to be represented in order to "free these
people from the superstitions and the prejudice that surrounded them.” These
superstitions about who those monsters were and what they were for varied a lot
in all layers of society, even among naturalists. The malpigmentation
intrigued and gave rise to different interpretations and research, but it was
always accompanied by the elaboration of racial theories.
Tradition
of having a taste for and nuturing “aberrations”
23.
Formed
by a collective imaginary whose genealogy dates back to
the Middle Ages and its many supernatural beings, the interest aroused by the
dwarves of the court can be compared to the feelings of strangeness surrounding
the European fascination by the "Other", from the most distant to the
most strangely familiar.
24.
In
ancient times, any human deformation was considered an omen of bad luck or a
sign of evil, a punishment inflicted by the gods. The society avoided deformed
people and their families were ashamed of having been cursed by the birth of
such a being. The black dwarves belong to this context. They were abducted by
settlers and sent to Portugal for the entertainment of the court, where, in
most cases, they would be ridiculed and humiliated for the fun and laughter of
the nobles, which, according to George Bataille[16], was
something diabolical. Michael Hagner[17] considers that, in Europe, the "aberrations"
were much desired objects, especially in 1780, not only because they were
considered extraordinary objects but also for a matter of prestige and power,
since it was the court which determined who could have them at their disposal.
25.
With
the publication of naturalist scientific studies in the late 18th century, however,
these "monsters" appeared as beautiful objects, supported by the
discourse that "every deformation followed some natural regularity, being
thus more disconnected from the punishment by the gods." [18] To show this new form of beauty, these figures were
shown in scenarios and adorned with jewelry - necklaces, earrings
and rings - to be exhibited in the cabinets of curiosities as a vehicle for the
aesthetic sensibility of anatomists. "The scientific use and public
display of these anomalies in wax gave rise to different cultural values and
practices and changed the public opinion about those creatures." [19] In this sense, even though we are induced to assume
that the main theme of the painting La mascarade nuptiale is a wedding, it might as well be the malpigmented black man in the lower right-hand corner;
maybe La Mascarade nuptiale
was commissioned due to this interest in the extraordinary and this taste for
human aberrations.
The
tradition of the cabinets of curiosities and naturalism
26.
The
cabinets of natural studies are similar to a book, a
conference or an anatomic exhibition. It may be said that they comprise a form
of representation by which nature can be created, exhibited
and explained as a scientific phenomenon. The cabinets classify its items under
generic categories that separate objects taken from nature, craftwork
and antiques. According to the researcher Vera Beatriz Siqueira, [20] although incipient, this intention to classify aims at
the creation of safe maps and routes for the exploratory travels of collectors:
27.
This is what ultimately gives meaning to
the travels themselves, making the possession of objects the final objective of
such scientific explorations of other cultures. Thus, the traveler traces the
path which connects distant continents and unknown lands to their cabinet,
promoting the integration of the most varied roles assumed by the traveler: the
scientist, the chronicler, the historian, the collector.
28.
Just
like in other Courts, in the Court of Portugal it was in fashion to be
surrounded by young dwarf slaves, and one objective of that may have been to
emphasize one’s whiteness. The rich and the powerful included them in their ”collection of curiosities", comprised of
objects, animals and even humans with physical peculiarities, including dwarves
and all kinds of physically bizarre individuals. One of the most famous
cabinets of curiosities of the 18th century was Linck’s,
in Leipzig, Germany, founded in 1761 and figuring the private collection of Heinrinch Linck, who had great
prestige among scholars. The collection was made up of plants, minerals and fossils, organized and cataloged.
29.
The
role played by monsters in the collection of the cabinets was different from
the role they played for naturalist physicians who were interested in the
taxonomy of deformations. In the cabinets of curiosities, the
"aberrations" were displayed together with various valuables and,
although the owners were interested in their classification, the pleasant
aspect of admiring that which is rare and extraordinary indeed played a role.
Such choice, however, was not unanimously accepted. According to Michel Hadner[21], Michael Bernharnd Valentin[22] criticized the arbitrary display of these beings in
the cabinets of curiosities, because, for him, the cabinets had the objective
of emphasizing that which is normal and aesthetically beautiful, and so their
inclusion constituted a huge gap between proportional beings and deformed ones.
30.
It is
difficult to find a link between these conflicting interests, once these anomalies
were also present in museums, books and bestiaries, not only as scientific
drawings whose objective was to support the classification of races, or as
items of a collection – but also in person, displayed, bought
and sold as objects. So were constituted their ambiguous and repressive
representations: on the boundaries of the collective imaginary between the good
and the evil, the beautiful and the abominable, the fair and the immoral, the
pathological and the normal - concepts that change over time and leave a
centuries-long trail of stigmatized and even openly repressed conducts, showing
how the "Other" became an object of representation, demonstration,
exhibition, that reaches the 20th century through the post-colonial discourse.
A
post-colonial attitude
31.
The
New World Museum of La Rochelle[23], located on the Atlantic Coast of France, added the
painting A marcha nupcial
(1788) to its collection in 1984, after acquiring it from an antiquarian in
Paris. The role of the museum is to show the relationship between France and
the Americas based on the works in its collection, since the city of La
Rochelle had maintained intense commercial relations with the New World. For
the museum, the painting is a "delightful and sharp commentary on the
Europe/Africa/America triangle, and the relations imposed by the colonial
adventures throughout the 18th century, the time of its heyday".[24]
32.
The
collection of the museum comprises paintings, etchings, furniture
and decorative objects that evidentiate the slave
trade, through which the city of La Rochelle, as many others, accumulated
considerable wealth. The museum is dedicated to the French conquests in the New
World, Canada and the United States, displayed in five sections: one on the
brief attempt of the French to conquest Brazil and South America; one on the
relations between France and Canada; the third on France and the Caribbean
colonies; the fourth on the life of slaves in the New World with a series of
works that represent it allegorically; and the last section on the North
American indians and the laws of the Wild West. With
this collection, the New World Museum seeks to give an overview of these
places.
33.
The
creation of the New World Museum in 1982 and the formation of its collection
were certainly related to the new government policies of the then-president
François Mitterrand (1916-1996) and the Minister of Culture Jack Lang. The
election of the president of France in 1981 was the main factor for the change
in art-related policies, especially regarding that of the so-called Third World
countries and ex-colonies, which had been previously called the New World.
There was a decentralization of the arts with the creation of Le Centre
National des Arts Plastiques in 1982. The center
assigned regional funds for the acquisition and distribution of works of art
throughout France: within four years, nothing less than 6000 works of art had
been acquired with these funds.
34.
In
1982, the Minister of Culture, Jack Lang, stated that his ministry had the goal
of "contributing to the spread of French culture and art in a free
dialogue among world cultures". Thus, the Ministry of Culture created the Association
Dialogue entre les Cultures (Adec) [25] in 1982 to facilitate and encourage the cultural and
intellectual exchange between countries of the Third World and France, which
gave rise to the d'Angoulême Jazz Festival, the
dialogue between France and Québec and between France and Japan, and to
projects of cultural exchange between different countries and France, such as
India's Year in France, the Brazil-France year, France-Denmark, Morocco in
Grenoble, etc. Thus, the French government promotes the dialogue with cultures
of the Third World with a comprehensive articulation.
35.
The
Brazilian critic Roberto Pontual (1939-1994) lived in
Paris during this period as a correspondent for Jornal
do Brasil and published several articles
giving an overview of the expansion of the role of the Ministry of Culture:
36.
In the new policy, four areas were
prioritized: promoting creation, in all its forms; the struggle for
decentralization in order to counterbalance the hegemony of Paris; the
encouragement of dialogue between creators and the public, using all possible
media resources; and the vigorous support for training, dissemination and
research, to multiply the number of employees currently available.[26]
37.
Brazil
was also part of the new projects of the French Ministry of Culture described
by Pontual. Since early 1984, several mass media
channels divulged information, debates, voices and images of Brazil: a series
of articles in Le Monde on the Brazilian Northeast, dealing with the
drought and the lyricism of the region; the economist Celso Furtado made many
analyses of the Northeast on French television; ten artists from Pernambuco
presented a panorama of Brazil in the Espaço Latino-Americano;
a dance performance called A missa para um tempo futuro (A mass for a future time) by Maurice Béjart, with the collaboration of D. Helder
Câmara; the film Fala,
Mangueira won an award in the category Three
Worlds at the 6th Festival of the Cinema of the Real (Cinéma
du Réel) in the Centre Georges Pompidou; two hours
per week for music and reports about Brazil on FM 103.1. The Musée d'Ethnographie de Genève (fall
1985-winter 1986) and the Musée national d'histoire naturelle de Paris (mid 1986) mounted the exhibition
L'art de la Plume: Brésil.
38.
Today,
we can say that the French government and, consequently, the Museum of La
Rochelle had a post-colonial attitude. It was as a result of
such discourse that the painting A marcha nupcial came twice to Brazil: first to participate in
the inaugural exhibition of Brazil's iconography in France in the 17th and 18th
centuries at the Fundação França-Brasil
on March 29,1990, curated by Pierre Beaudet. There are virtually no records
about this visit of the work to Brazil. There is no catalog of the exhibition at
the National Library Foundation, or at Casa França-Brasil,
and in the two major newspapers of the city of Rio de Janeiro there is only a
brief reference to the exhibition, without any critical analysis or mentioning
the work in question.
39.
The
return of the work to Brazil occurred in the 2000s, amid the debates about the
country’s place in a globalized world. The work participated in the exhibition
to celebrate the 500 years since the discovery of Brazil, being a part of the ”Negro de corpo e alma” (Black
in body and soul) segment. In the catalog of the exhibition, one of the
curators, Emanuel Araújo[27], stressed that the objective of this segment was to
reflect systematically on how the presence of black people was absorbed in the
Brazilian society and how it deeply permeated Brazil’s national identity:
40.
It seeks to identify the forms of the
country’s collective imaginary that constructed the figure of the black
individual as the Other. An imaginary that, before being Brazilian, is
essentially European and is shaped from an exoticized perspective. An openly
pejorative perspective that fetishizes the image of black people.
41.
Similarly,
when it comes to the depiction of the Other, the exhibition of the collection
of the Musée du Quai Branly[28], in
Paris, in 2012, approached the “savage” one more time relating them to the idea
of strangeness: "not only savage, but, instead of noble savages, abnormal
ones, deformed to us and an object of curiosity", stated Le Monde,
which generated comments on its website such as the following:
42.
The exhibition does not spare us: posters,
films, playing cards, advertisements, scientists, paintings, etchings, sculptures and photographs. The method was a success,
involving both learning and the memory: we are still stupefied and nauseated by
what the West did to these people, but at the same time, touched by so many
anonymous, forgotten faces.[29]
43.
Taking
this path of criticizing Eurocentrism, the art from peripheral countries is
taken as the central theme of major exhibitions in the world's major economic
centers and in the poetics of contemporary artists from these places. This is
also what we can contemplate in the work of the South African artist Pieter
Hugo, especially in his in photo series of South
African albinos, Looking aside (2006) and There is a place in Hell for
me and my friends, 2011. The set of large format pictures with a frontal
shot in which the photographed subjects take an imposing and defiant pose,
could make up a gallery of peculiar human types like those of the naturalists
and the cabinets of curiosities. In Looking aside, the artist
directs his photographic lens and, therefore, the viewer's gaze, to people
whose appearance makes one look away. In these works, however, people are
forced to face the subjects frontally, to confront their prejudice and the way
they act when standing before people who are somehow different from the
majority, just like in the painting La Mascarde Nuptiale.
44.
In the
series There is a place in Hell for me and my friends [Figure 9], Hugo
portrays his foreign friends who consider South Africa their home. Through a
digital process that converts color images into black and white, Hugo intensely
emphasizes the melanin pigmentation (freckles) on their white skin marked by
the harmful effect of the intense African sun. It is a contradiction that
determines the canons of beauty in popular culture and exposes the racial
contradictions based on skin colors. For the artist, his interest is "to
show the gap between the ideal society and the reality of life here and now,
exactly the place where these narratives collide." [30]
45.
In
Brazil, the artist Adriana Varejão has established a
more direct relationship with Siriaco in 2009, with
the work Mãe d’água
(Mother water) [Figure 10]. The
work is a huge dish, viewed from the front and from behind. Adriana found
inspiration and references for her paintings in the Baroque style, ranging from
colonial iconography to images produced by European travelers, from aquatic
themes to maps. According to Adriano Pedrosa, Adriana's work is related to
miscegenation and to racial and ethnic intermixing; however, a resistance to
Eurocentrism can be detected. Lilia Moritz Schwarcz[31], in
turn, posits the idea that Adriana denounces the whitening of the population as
a form of salvation, for ”in a society whose social
differences are understood based on the color of people’s skins, nothing would
be better than changing it for the better: becoming white!".
46.
Mãe d'água, with
a 1,50m diameter, painted on concave surfaces, follows the story of the great
navigations and the open wound of black slavery that bequeathed Brazilians with
ethnic and social intolerance. In this work, a black Yemanjá
is amidst a sea of fertilization, like Japanese "ama divers",
among her faithful followers - fish and crustaceans - and the black Siriaco inspired by paintings by Joaquim Leonardo da Rocha
(1786) and La Mascarade Nuptiale
by José Conrado Roza,
uniting Brazil and Africa.
47.
La Mascarade Nuptiale refers to a universe in black and white, of that
which is savage and exotic, which after the 1930’s started taking a strong turn
in the discourse on the national identity of peripheral countries. Before, it
appeared just as historical circumstances linked to the 18th-century European
tradition of having a taste for and nurturing "aberrations", of
cataloging ethnic groups of different races, of scientific studies, of the
cabinets of curiosities and of the pictorial representation of these
incomprehensible beings. Today, however, it appears a mark of hierarchy, of
processes of exclusion and of Eurocentrism. Maybe this is the reason why today,
exposing nude slaves or human "aberrations" is nothing pleasant. In
the context of the 18th and the 19th centuries, however, they were exotic
figures, trophies or scientific objects.
References
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Rafael Dias da Silva. O Conde de Buffon e a Teoria da Degenerescência do Novo Mundo do
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uma polêmica (1750-1900). Translation:
Bernardo Joffily. São Paulo: Companhia
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Guy. Les relations culturalles internationales de la France:
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ANPUH, São Paulo, julho 2011.
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Vera Beatriz. O espelho da biblioteca: tempo e narrativa na coleção Castro Maya. Palídromo, n.3, Teoria e história da arte. 2010, pp. 55-79.
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Jean-Claude. L' association "dialogues entre les
cultures". Bibliothèques et création, les échanges culturels carrefour, Bulletin d'informations
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English translation by Ricky Toledano e Liane Sarmento
_________________________
[1] Professor
the Post-graduate Progam in Art of the Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro.
[2] Vitiligo
is a cutaneous disease causing pigment loss in certain
areas of the skin, resulting in irregular white spots that have the same
texture of normal skin.
[3] CESAR,
Marisa Flórido. Nós, o outro, o distante na arte contemporânea brasileira.
Rio de Janeiro: Editora Circuito, 2014.
[4] According
to the inscriptions on the garments of the characters in the painting.
[5] Inscription
on the headdress: Marcelino de Tapuia, native of Mairu (?), had been sent by Govenor
of Pará, Martinho de Souza e Albuquerque; he was 26
years old.
[6] Site:
http://www.alienor.org/publications/mascarade-nuptiale/auteur.php,
Accessed on June 17th, 2013.
[7] New
colonies of Central Spanish America.
[8] SCHWARCZ,
Lilia Moritz; VAREJÃO, Adriana. Pérola imperfeita: a história e
as histórias na obra de Adriana Varejão. Rio de Janeiro: Combogó, 2014.
[9] SANTELLI
, Ricardo Leme. Castas Ilustradas: Representação de Mestiços no México do
Século XVIII. Anais do XXVI Simpósio Nacional de História – ANPUH,
São Paulo, julho 2011, p. 6.
[10] Ibidem,
p.7.
[11] Important
French biologist, Georges Louis de Luclerc.
[12] CAMPOS,
Rafael Dias da Silva. O Conde de Buffon e a Teoria da Degenerescência do Novo
Mundo do século XVIII. Anais do X Encontro de História do Mato Grosso do Sul
e Simpósio Internacional de História da Universidade Federal do Mato Grosso do
Sul, 2010.
[13] GERBI,
Antonello. O Novo Mundo: História de uma polêmica (1750-1900). Tradução:
Bernardo Joffily. São Paulo: Companhia
das Letras, 1996.
[14] Philosopher
and great French naturalist/biologist, author of one of the oldest reports of
general history, biology and geology that was not based on the Bible. His work
represented a considerable advancement in the classification of living beings.
In 1740, he began a detailed work on the classification of vegetable and animal
species. For this work, a natural classification method was used, based on the
principles of continuity and affinity among species. He published the first of
44 volumes of Histoire naturelle, générale et particulière (1749),
which anticipated the evolutionary ideas that would be defended by Lamarck and
Darwin. In this work, he stated the first naturalist version of the history of
the Earth, including a complete description of mineralogy, botany
and zoology (CAMPOS, 2010).
[15] HAGNER,
Michael. Catálogo da exposição Monstruos y seres imaginarios. Madrid.
2000.
[16] BATAILLE,
Georges. Las lágrimas de Eros. Madrid. 2010, p. 86.
[17] Utilidad
cientifica y exhibición de monstruosidades en la época de la Ilustración no
catálogo da exposição realizada pela Biblioteca Nacional da Espanha em 2000,
Monstros y Seres Imaginarios en la Bilioteca Nacional, sobre monstros e
anomalias nos livros do século XV ao XVIII.
[18] HAGNER,
op. cit., p. 124.
[19] Ibidem,
p. 125.
[20] SIQUEIRA,
Vera Beatriz. O espelho da biblioteca: tempo e narrativa na coleção
Castro Maya. Palídromo, n.3, Teoria e história
da arte. 2010, p. 55.
[21] HaGner,
op. cit.
[22] He
had an important menagerie of curiosities in Berlin and was the author of the Museorum Museum, the first study of collection in
Europe. In 1720, he published the work on the comparative anatomy of
vertebrates.
[23] The
Musée du Nouveau Monde’s collections tell the story of France’s relations with the Americas as conducted from La Rochelle, one of the
main ports of New World trade and migration. Paintings, engravings, old maps,
sculptures, furniture and decorative art objects
conjure up images of Canada, the West Indies, and Brazil as well, with records
of the transatlantic slave trade. A section is also devoted to the indigenous
peoples of North America and the Far West. http://www.alienor.org/publications/mascarade-nuptiale/auteur.php. Accessed on June 17th, 2013.
[24] Site:
http://www.alienor.org/publications/mascarade-nuptiale/auteur.php. Accessed on June 25th, 2013.
[25] TERRAC,
Jean-Claude. L' association "dialogues entre les
cultures". Bibliothèques et création, les échanges
culturels carrefour, Bulletin d'informations
de l'ABF, n.°132, 1986, pp.36-37.
[26] PONTUAL,
Roberto. Corrida para a arte. Jornal do Brasil, Caderno B, December
4th,1985.
[27] ARAUJO,
Emanoel Alves de. In: Catálogo Mostra do Redescobrimento: Negro de corpo.
Fundação Bienal de São Paulo. Editora Fundação Bienal de São Paulo, 2000, p 48.
[28] Musée
des arts et civilisations d'Afrique, d'Asie, d'Océanie et des Amériques, The ambitious project
of Jacques Chirac by Jean Nouvel,
was opened on June 20th, 2006. The Museum’s collection is comprised of the former ethnology collections of the Musée de l'Homme and the Musée national des
Arts Africains et Océaniens. The works are divided into four continental areas (Africa, Asia, Oceania and Americas).
[29] Cecile, | May 22nd,
2012. Website: http://lunettesrouges.blog.lemonde.fr/2012/01/13/l2012/01/13/l%E2%80%99autre-l%E2%80%99etrange-le-sauvage-ou-les-fantom. Accessed on August 10th, 2013.
[30] Website: http://www.pieterhugo.com,
Accessed on June 23rd, 2013.
[31] SCHWARCZ,
op. cit., p. 277.